During the 1980s, the NF split in two; the Flag NF retained the older ideology, while the Official NF adopted a Third Positionist stance before disbanding in 1990. [103], The Strasserites described themselves as "radical, youthful and successful", contrasting their approach with the "out-dated conservative policies" of their internal opponents, whom they claimed wanted the NF to be a "reactionary anti-immigrant pressure group". Tony Martin 

[280] It had five branches and 3 groups in the midlands, 7 branches and 11 groups in the north, 1 branch and 7 groups in western Britain, and one group each in Scotland and Northern Ireland.

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[401] This was partly due to the unpopularity of Liberal leader David Steel's "Lib–Lab pact" with the Labour government.

"[226] During the 1970s, the Front alleged that the UK's liberal democracy was "bogus democracy" and declared that it would forge "a genuinely democratic political system",[227] introducing public referenda on major issues.
[420] In May 2011 the NF gained a representative for the Langley Hill Ward of Langley Parish Council in Derbyshire, when Timothy Knowles was elected without opposition.

[213] It is virtually identical to claims previously articulated by the British Union of Fascists (BUF).

[300] Each branch or group had its own five-person committee, with annual elections for the committee positions. National Front Chairman, Tony Martin addresses the 2018 Annual General Meeting of the National Front. Martin did not hold a valid shotgun licence, nor the more restrictive Firearms Certificate he would have needed to possess the Winchester pump action shotgun that held a maximum of five rounds. "[385] This study also found that 71% of the NF's support came from men.

Fearon was sentenced to 36 months in prison, while Bark was handed 30 months. [428] Billig suggested that the NF's long-term importance might not have been in its recruitment or electoral achievements, but its "contribution to the continuity of an unbroken heritage" of anti-Semitism in British society, keeping anti-Semitic ideas afloat at a time when, following the Holocaust, they were at their weakest. [90], Although Tyndall and Webster had been longstanding comrades, in the late 1970s Tyndall began blaming his old friend for the party's problems. [218] For instance, one issue of Spearhead stated that "the twin evils of International Finance and International Communism" are "perhaps better described as International Zionism". Now in his 70s, Martin has never expressed remorse about his actions, arguing it was Martin claimed that he opened fire after being woken when the intruders smashed a window.
[186] In citing these studies, the party claimed that its views were scientific and that those who rejected them were not. [293] A third of the directorate were required to stand down every year, with a postal ballot of the membership to determine their replacements.

[302] Some NF branches established supporters' associations for individuals who backed the NF but were not willing to become members out of fear of repercussions. It promotes economic protectionism, hard Euroscepticism, and a transformation away from liberal democracy, while its social policies oppose feminism, LGBT rights, and societal permissiveness. [220], Many of the Front's central members, among them Chesterton, Tyndall, and Webster, had a long history of antisemitic activity before joining the party.

[433] During the 1970s, the party had cells among prison officers at Dartmoor Prison, Strangeways, Wormwood Scrubs, and Pentonville.

[314] The NF also disrupted the meetings of anti-fascist groups and mainstream politicians. [284], The Front exalted self-sufficiency, asserting that the individual should be willing to serve the state and that citizens' rights should be subordinate to their duties. [386] In the October 1974 general election, the Front gained over twenty-five times as many votes as the BUF had gained at any election; this suggested that "politically speaking", fascism was "far stronger" in 1970s Britain than in 1930s Britain, making it the only country in Europe where this was the case. [291] With strict control over local and regional organisations,[292] the directorate determined party policy, controlled its structures and finances, oversaw admissions and expulsions, and determined tactics. [72] They were frustrated that the NF's directorate was dominated by former BNP and GBM members and believed that Tyndall remained a neo-Nazi. [109], Reflecting the Nouvelle Droite's influence,[100] the Strasserite Official NF promoted support for "a broad front of racialists of all colours" who were seeking an end to multi-racial society and capitalism,[102] praising black nationalists like Louis Farrakhan and Marcus Garvey. [315] In November 1975, NF activists attacked a National Council of Civil Liberties meeting at the University of Manchester, with eight people requiring hospitalisation,[316] and in another instance stormed a Liberal Party meeting discussing the transition to black-majority rule in Rhodesia, throwing chairs and chanting "White Power".

[73] They ensured that John Kingsley Read was elected chairman,[74] with Tyndall demoted to vice chair. [408] In the April 1976 council elections, the NF boosted its vote in many towns, securing 21% of the vote in Sandwell, 20.7% in Wolverhampton, 18.54% in Leicester, and 17% in Watford.

Annual General Meeting  [279] During the 1970s, the Front expressed opposition to the UK's welfare state as it then existed, stating that it wanted to end the perception of the UK as a "loafer's paradise".

He said that he had been burgled a total of ten times, losing £6,000 worth of furniture. On 20 August 1999, Tony Martin, a bachelor, was living alone at his farmhouse, Bleak House, in Emneth Hungate, Norfolk which he had inherited from his uncle in about 1980.

[199] As it developed, the NF press included racially inflammatory headlines like "Black Savages Terrorize Old Folk" and "Asians Import Bizarre Sex-Murder Rites",[200] also comparing non-white migrants with vermin by describing areas with large African and Asian communities as "immigrant-infested".

[158] For the NF, patriotism was deemed essential to the cohesion and morale of the British nation,[157] with nationalism being regarded as a vital component of patriotism. [61] Among those who joined were Conservative Monday Club members with much political experience. [79] By the end of February 1976, 29 NF branches and groups had defected to the NP, although 101 remained loyal.

[202] Among the "standard forms of NF propaganda" was the claim that immigrants carried diseases like leprosy and tuberculosis,[203] that they placed a heavy burden on the National Health Service (NHS),[204] and that incompetent and poorly trained migrant staff were detrimental to the NHS.

| [84][321] In April 1979, an anti-NF demonstration in Southall clashed with police seeking to keep the NF and anti-fascists apart; the violence resulted in the death of Blair Peach. On the other, its leadership is deeply imbued with Nazi ideas, and though they try to play down their past affiliations with more blatantly Nazi movements, such as Colin Jordan's National Socialist Movement, they covertly maintain intimate connections with small neo-Nazi cells in Britain and abroad, because all their beliefs and motives make this not only tactically expedient but effective. [272], The party is firmly anti-feminist,[273] and highly critical of changes to traditional gender roles. [75] Growing strife between the Tyndallites and Populists broke out in the party;[76] Read and the executive committee suspended Tyndall and nine of his supporters from the directorate, before expelling Tyndall from the party altogether. [64] In the 1973 local elections, the party gained 23% and 16.8% in two Blackburn wards.

[325] The party's leadership showed little concern with the violent activities of such members and supporters, and openly praised some of its members convicted of violent criminal activity.

[70] To replace the EEC, the NF called for stronger UK links with the "White countries" of the British Commonwealth, namely Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, but also the white-minority governments of Rhodesia and South Africa. [194], During its first decade, the party emphasised the claim that it was the politicians who enabled immigration—rather than migrants themselves—who were to blame. [394] The Front's emergence as an electoral force during the 1970s was an "unprecedented development" in British politics, the first time a far-right party gained so many votes.

[264] As a solution to unemployment, the party stated that it would encourage urban-to-rural migration, with heavily mechanised agriculture being replaced by small, privately owned, labour-intensive farms. "The Sun", "Sun", "Sun Online" are registered trademarks or trade names of News Group Newspapers Limited. The local NF branch denied knowledge of the incident or the individuals in question. It is interesting that the NF […] has tried to develop a 'two-track' strategy. [429] Billig also argued that the NF might have played a role in tilting British politics to the right, encouraging the Conservatives to take a harder stance on issues like immigration under Thatcher's leadership. [399], In 1977 the NF contested three by-elections, gaining 5.2% of the vote in the City of London and Westminster South by-election, 8.2% in the Birmingham Stechford by-election, and 3.8% in the Ashfield by-election. National Front AGM  [398] In the February 1974 election, 54 of its candidates averaged 3.3% of the vote, while in the October 1974 election, 90 candidates averaged 3.1%. "[165], As of 1979, the party was combining this policy with eugenicist ideas, calling for the improvement of the quality as well as the quantity of the white British racial group. After the burglary and Barras' death, Fearon and getaway driver Darren Bark, 33, admitted to conspiring to burgle Martin's farmhouse on August 20, 1999. [293], Supporter organisations were established among white communities of British descent elsewhere in the world; in New Zealand in 1977 and in Australia, Canada, and South Africa in 1978. However, the case was thrown into doubt when photographs were published in The Sun, showing him "cycling and climbing with little apparent difficulty" - suggesting that Fearon's injuries were not as serious as had been claimed. As a minor party, it has never had its representatives elected to the British or European Parliaments, although it gained a small number of local councillors through defections, and it has had a few of its representatives elected to community councils. "[232] He called for governance by a strong leader,[233] an individual unencumbered by political parties and elections so that they could focus on the national interest rather than the interests of sub-groups or short-term considerations. [100] This new rhetoric and ideology alienated much of the NF's rank-and-file membership.

[413] Alternately, the NF's actual voter base might not have significantly increase between 1974 and 1977, but rather their vote share increased due to a lower turnout from other parties' voters.

He fired his illegal gun three times towards the two intruders, killing one and wounding another.

[44] The party had faced militant left-wing opposition, including a lorry that was driven into its Tulse Hill building in 1969,[45] and to counter this the NF installed a spy in the London anti-fascist movement.

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